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Introduction:
The challenge of learning how to deal with extremists, terrorists
and fundamentalists is increasingly salient for world stability. Jayne Docherty of
Eastern Mennonite University suggests in order to deal with extremism one must understand
its underlying causes and the mechanisms that support it. She talks about Mid-East fundamentalist groups, Israeli settlers, Virginia chicken farmers, and U.S. anti-terrorist operations to illustrate her points.
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This rough transcript provides a text alternative to audio. We apologize for occasional errors and unintelligible sections (which are marked with ???).
Extremists
Jayne Docherty
Eastern Mennonite University
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Q: Everyone's always puzzled by the settlers, this phenomenon, they don't
seem to have a ton of support in Israel and yet they expand, and obviously the
Palestinians aren't big fans and yet they are a huge issue in the whole peace
process. So what's going on with that and how do you deal with such vastly
different world-views there?
A: People are afraid of them because of their religious fanaticism and people
don't know what to make of that because it doesn't operate in the interest
based, rational analytical behavior. It's identity based behavior in its extreme
and they are part of the problem, but in the same way the radical Palestinian
terrorists are a part of the problem and the way Islamic fundamentalists are
apart of the problem. We are not going to address that issue world wide of the
rise in fundamentalisms and extremisms by dismissing them as crazy and
irrelevant and somehow non-modern throwbacks to some other thing. We have to
deal with that and they have to be apart of the solution.
Q: Which brings us to terrorism and the future of the war maybe, as we know
it. So include terrorists in the solution?
A: I don't think you
include the hard-line settlers or the hard-line terrorists at the negotiation
table, but I think you do recognize that those two groups are the radical
expression of a much bigger narrative about reality and they depend very much on
communities of support. Terrorist organizations cannot operate in the absence of
communities that support them. And support them in different ways.
I mean in this country in the early 80s, we had the Posse Comitatus, running
across the Midwest, in hiding, being chased down by the FBI. It was one of those
cases where farmers were in the middle of the farm crisis and farms were being
sold off and auctioned and all kinds of issues going on. A lot of people in the
rural Midwest would see them, know where they were and kind of do the thing
where the cops would come in and these people would say "they went that
way" and point right, when they really went left. Or don't know, haven't
seen them, don't know where they are.
That kind of support system is absolutely necessary for a violent group to
operate and that's where the energy should be. Both in terms of trying to bring
people in to a dialogue about why they feel threatened, about what their world
feels like and how we can do it, and looking at the structure of sources of
their own insecurity, because this rise in fundamentalism in all stripes
including secular and political and not just religious is coming out of the
globalization and the turmoil created by major structural upheavals in people's
lives. People feel very threatened.
Q: A sort of reaction to globalization in a sense?
A: Well, I think, let's
just take it down to Harrisonburg, Virginia for instance. Little old rural
Harrisonburg, Virginia in the middle of the Shenandoah Valley. It is the fastest
growing city in the state of Virginia and is now up to a population of 42,000.
It is becoming increasingly diverse, ethnically for a lot of reasons, and
situated in the middle of the biggest agricultural county in the state of
Virginia. So we have farmers, including older Mennonite farmers who drive
buggies, but who have electricity in their chicken houses because their tied to
multi-national corporations for raising poultry, but they don't have electricity
in their houses.
So everything's tied to this global agricultural economy and part of the
increase in the diversity of the population has a lot to do with people coming
up from Latin American to work in the poultry processing plants, as well as with
the beef cattle and some dairy. So, you have this microcosm of the world and
everything's very not like it was twenty ears ago and everybody knows that.
There are the daily discomforts of having people who speak a strange language,
people who behave differently, the growth, the pressure on the land crisis for
the agricultural community because the city isn't managing its growth very well.
All of these things create huge instability in people's sense of identity and
stability. Then they got Evian flu last year. We had to execute 6 million birds
and not put them to market, because of evian flu in the country here. Six
million chickens and turkeys.
Q: So, it's like the mad cow?
A: It is, except there's no indication. I want to make that really clear on
the tape, there's no indication that Evian flu transfers to human beings in any
way but as a safety precaution, they will not take those birds to market. So 6
million birds were not taken to market and 170 plus farmers took a real hit.
Japan and Russia shut their markets down to Virginia poultry and it put a big
hit on us, in portions of this community, it had a rippling effect. That's what
I mean by a global economy and a global sense that you're not in
control of your own life, because you know, along comes Evian flu, we've had
that before, but now it has this huge impact on us economically and culturally
and our whole county and the city. That's our tax base, a lot of things. So when
people experience life that way, and they don't feel that they're in control of
their destiny anymore, one place that they turn is to religion and a sense of
their must be some sort of order to this world, parts of this feel very unjust,
but don't worry, justice is coming, and so one of the things we see is an
increase in apocalyptic thinking that there will be one last big battle, and
then the good guys and the bad guys will be sorted out and the world will be ok
again.
I think we're seeing that all over the world in every religious
tradition. In political systems as well that were allegedly secular that still
have that end time, battle between good and evil and that's what's shaping the
global war on terrorism. If you look at the Bush administration's rhetoric, if
you look at bin Laden's rhetoric, if you look at the settlers, if you look at
Christian fundamentalists, if you look at Buddhist fundamentalists, any of them,
you're seeing a lot of those same themes cropping up and I don't think it's
coincidental. I think it has to do with the change in structures probably.
Q: Absolutely, and let me get this straight, you said the way to work through
that is with the support basis of your, what will eventually turn out to be your
armed groups or with guns or bombs tied to their bodies, etc. So how do you go
about doing that, how do you work with those communities of support? Those
extremes?
A: I think one thing we have to recognize, is that anything we do to deal
with the extremists, the armed extremists, isn't just a problem solving activity
like let's go get these guys. Anything and everything we do has meaning to those
who are watching. If we go in and we bomb people into the stone age because
we're looking for terrorists, they may well have thought, that it might not be
such a bad idea to get rid of some of these armed guys. But you're reinforcing
the part of the narrative that says we're the evil, we're the out of control
evil that needs to be resisted.
Q: So, like we the people who are the extremists, or we the people who are
doing the bombing
A: We, the people who are doing the bombing. So if the US goes in and bombs
somebody, in other words we have to think really carefully, is this a police
operation or is this a war? Because you're going to handle it quite differently.
If it's primarily a law enforcement problem, are we going to use community
policing tactics which involve making relationships with the community and
helping nurture good solid relationships that allow or encourage people to turn
in these people who are dangerous? Thus allowing them to hold their own
communities as safe as well in relationships that build capacity in the
community to meet its own needs and strengthen its own economy and place in the
world.
Or are we going to use a SWAT team kind of approach to policing and present
an attitude that says we don't care if the neighbors get hurt or it's collateral
damage if the neighbors get hurt, while we're going in to get these bad guys,
sorry about that. Because if we take that approach, the SWAT team approach and
that's what we think we're doing, exterminating bad guys, other people might get
hurt in the long run, sorry about that, or in the short term, sorry about that.
Then we are reinforcing the narrative of the extremists that says we are evil,
we will harm people, and we don't have the real interests of the community at
heart. We is the operative word: we the SWAT team, we the US, we the whoever who
is going in to arrest the terrorists or to kill them. And all of that matters.
Q: So you end up polarizing the community that might have been sympathetic to
our goals or the SWAT teams' goals in that case but then ultimately, you come
out in favor of the extremists.
A: The key I think is to recognize that the communities that extremists come
out of are very complex. They are not all in agreement with the extremists, in
terms of the tactics they use even though some of them will say yes, in your
analysis the west is being very oppressive and that they are suffering under
this new system and that they're harming us and that they want to undo our
culture, that they hate us. We agree with your analysis but we don't necessarily
agree with your tactics. Then there are people who say, no, it's not that bad,
there are parts of western culture that we really should be thinking how do we
work that in. We should be nurturing the roots of democracy in our own culture.
All of those nuances get completely lost in this, and keep driving the people
who are more moderate to the more extreme position by behaving like the terrible
bad guy that the extremists say you are.
There is an example from WACO that illustrates this. The negotiators kept
saying to the Branch Davidians, "Come out, we'll make sure you're not
harmed" and while they were saying that and building the good relationships
and trying to encourage people to think this through, the hostage rescue team
was running military vehicles and tanks across the front yard, crushing their
cars.
So the Branch Davidians would listen to this and say "OK, we think we
trust you and we kind of like some of the negotiators, you're ok, and then
they'd look out the window and say, "Looks like Armageddon to me, looks
like the beast of the book of revelations is running across. And in fact the US
government is the beast" They were trying to make meaning the whole time.
You have to understand that communities that are motivated by meaning-making and
by a narrative like this are very dynamic in their meaning-making, so everything
you do is interpreted by the text. So everything the FBI did, the Branch
Davidians would go back to the book of revelations and the prophet and say,
"What does that mean? What did that action mean? Ok, tanks, ok, chariots
spitting fire," and it was all in the transcripts. The big reality dilemma
for them was, "Is the US this good nation at the end time, the sort of
nation without being fully saved? Or is it the beast?" And that was the
constant, are you the good or the beast, the good or the beast? Of course when
you keep running tanks across their yard and when you renege on agreements that
you've made about giving their children who'd come out to the families they
requested and instead you gave them to child protective services, and you get
these betrayals, ok, you're the beast of negotiation.
We're seeing that same scenario play out globally right now. A lot of people
in the Islamic world, a lot of people all over the world, see the US as this
beacon of light and democracy or is it a tyrant gone mad? You know, the Roman
Empire run amuck with high-tech 21st century weapons. The beacon of
democracy or was this a tyrant? Every time we go and we're doing what we're
doing right now, we're reinforcing the tyrant image. It doesn't matter how many
food packages we drop. It doesn't matter; we are reinforcing that image.
Q: So basically, the same principles that apply to the interest based stuff
like trust building, also applies to the relationship confidence building
measures. It's just that you need to understand the context from which people
are defining how you build trust?
A: Right, it's very anthropological in its orientation. You have to get
inside the world-view, inside the other culture of the other party in order to
understand as a trust-building activity actually resonates, what meaning it has
for them because it may not mean what you think.
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