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Introduction:
Over the past ten or fifteen
years, the standards of acceptable behavior for multinationals acting in
developing nations have risen considerably. Steve Power of Mercy Corps talks
about his organization's community development work in the country of Georgia, where British Petroleum (BP) is building an oil pipeline. He describes community development work as a way to build relationships among the various actors.
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This rough transcript provides a text alternative to audio. We apologize for occasional errors and unintelligible sections (which are marked with ???).
British Petroleum Development Work in Georgia
Steve Power
Country Director, Mercy Corps
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Q: Who do you work for and what do you do?
A: I'm the country director for Mercy Corps in the Republic of Georgia, where our
two main programs are the East Georgia Community Mobilization Initiative, which
covers the whole of eastern and southern Georgia. And we also have a community
investment program, which works along the routes of the new Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan
pipeline that BP and other oil companies are constructing, and we're doing a
community investment program that is targeting specifically the communities
affected by the pipeline construction.
Q: What do you do with people affected by the pipeline?
A: We are doing what people would see as a community mobilization program.
From our point of view it is building a better relationship between them and BP,
where there is plenty of potential for conflicts, and there are plenty of people
who are interested in conflict. We have a grant from BP; they are funding our
work. An explicit aim of this program is that it addresses community needs, and
the process by which we address them also creates a better and less conflictual
relationship between the communities directly affected by the pipeline that it
passes through and BP.
Fairly clearly, from BP's point of view, that's both a straight commercial
interest - they don't want their pipeline being disrupted. But they also do view
it as part of what they are increasingly doing: as a reasonable neighbor in
their role as a large multinational corporation. It's quite a large program.
They're not just painting schools and such, they're doing quite a lot.
Q: What does BP want you to do or what do you do for BP that creates better
relationships between the villages where the pipeline will run and the company
itself?
A: In a sense, we do what Mercy Corps normally does. We are doing
community mobilization through a series of participatory approaches. Individual
communities are supported in doing things they want to do to address the
priorities that they have raised. The twist is that there is a sort of layer on
top of trying to put in place or promote the idea that there are some forums for
conflict resolution. Now, we haven't defined in a particularly fixed way what
those forums should look like. The sort of common way people indicate they want
to do it is that they have an informal group from the district that is called
upon if there is a dispute that isn't getting resolved by the normal level of
discussion. This is not necessarily the group of the elders, but it's similar to
that concept. And that will be charged with and be accepted as having the
legitimacy to listen to the different sides of the dispute. And give its
opinion.
The other aspect of the conflict is from BP's perspective. They simply want
to do what they can to make sure that their expressed intention is of being a
good neighbor. They are trying to find a reasonable balance between what they're
doing as a business and the effect that's going to have on people. It's not an
error-free process by any means.
One of our observations is that the days of rapacious, completely insensitive
multinational corporations are gone because there is so much attention paid to
them now, and they know that. The wind has changed, and the people at the top of
the organizations understand that. Even though this is a large
company and this is such a big project, there are mistakes made. They have
subcontractors, and then you have a pyramid of the understanding of what they
would see as values that they maintain despite being a business gets diluted
from one subcontractor to another.
Q: So what would that look like? A mistake means they abused local villagers
or they polluted the water system?
A: There are some mistakes in terms of land rights. There are
still discussions of whether the land acquisition process is being done
properly. There are some mistakes in terms of how the physical structure
happens, and how much noise it makes, and who gets hired. That's a big source of
conflict - whether the hiring is perceived to be done equitably, etcetera.
One of the challenges for us is that we're not involved in that, we're not
hiring people. We're doing a community development program. We are trying to
build a greater understanding and a positive relationship between the different
actors, and on the other hand we're also quite clear that we're not building the
pipeline. That's not our problem, so we juggle what can occasionally be seen as
conflicting, at least sort of opposing, concepts. We accept responsibility to
build a greater consensus, and have agreed on a view of how it's going to work,
but there are a lot of things that we don't have control over.
Q: So you don't have control over the hiring and things that might lead to
conflict, but you do have to deal with the fall out?
A: Yes, we do.
Q: Are you an ombudsman? Do you do mediations, community processes with the
BP exec that comes in and there are agreements processes? What does it look
like?
A: We're not so much ombudsmen. They actually have community liaison
officers, and what we're increasingly doing is making sure that whenever we see
an opportunity for getting those officers informed about what's going on, we do
that. Because what has happened is that the communities have basically tried to
lie and say Mercy Corps is not doing this properly and we are. So then they go
to the community liaison officer, who then sort of comes together and says,
"You're not doing it properly." And we say, "Yes we are and this
is how we're going to do it." So it's more, our main tool is simply
facilitation dialogue and conversation that needs to go on between the
communities and the contractors, communities and BP.
It's not our role, and we have absolutely no leverage over the contractors.
BP hired them to build the pipeline and they're building it. In practice what
we're trying to do is make sure that all sides are polled as to what they
committed to and in immediate terms what are the contractors' obligations. We're
not openly playing a role of ombudsmen, but it is useful that we use our
influence as a respected partner of BP which gives us credibility because we've
achieved an enormous amount in a very short period of time and very
professionally. They know that we are completely straight in what we're doing.
We use that to gently nudge them to try and keep their eyes open a bit more,
when we have an opinion, it's a sound one, and that when we say, 'Well, maybe
the contractor's missing this bit. Maybe not deliberately, but this isn't being
done well.' They will listen to us because we have their respect. So we're using
our reputation that we have as a way of influencing other people, but it's not a
strict part of our mandate.
Q: It sounds like a very hard position to be in, to play somewhere in between
having some influence over the BP implementation of their plans versus being the
victim of some contractors' irresponsible tactics and then people look at Mercy
Corps and say, 'Well they're not doing what they're supposed to.' It just seems
like an impossible pickle that you are in.
A: It could be what saves us is that we are trusted by the communities
because we work very hard with them, we work very close to them.
Q: How do you get that trust? I'm sure the first question they
ask is who pays you, and you say BP, and they say what are you doing here, how
do you get that trust back?
A: Well, they're interested in the fact that we have a large grant to do
community investment in their communities, so they know that real politick at
that level, we and them need to play ball because they'll get something out of
our grants. There's at least some incentive.
On the other hand, some of the communities know very well that, OK large
companies will tend to try to just buy their way out of trouble and the squeaky
wheel gets more oil syndrome. We've tried very hard to counter that, because we
can't work on the squeaky wheel approach to things. We've just done a lot of
hard work at the grassroots that people trust us. They know that our staff is
there day in, day out, and when we say we'll do something, we'll do it. They
know that we'll be completely honest about the resources we do have and the
resources we don't have. And they know that we're not responsible for hiring, so
it's a question of legwork and a lot of it. Being consistent and being reliable,
when we have some big meeting and say, 'We'll come back tomorrow and talk
tomorrow with this and this group,' that we are back the next day. We don't miss
it, and we never miss an appointment, and we're always on time.
We're always up front, and we deliver. When we say this is prepared as a
reasonable proposal and it was approved by whomever needs to approve it, you
will have the money in your bank account within two days, and it is in their
account in two days. It's building credibility because we always follow through
with exactly what we said we'd do.
Q: So community investment means things like schools, drainage, electricity,
micro credit, things like that?
A: All of those, and also agriculture, energy efficiency. We're
trying to build in a social services network aspect to it, because part of the
area the pipeline goes through is dominated by old people. It's an area where
there are a lot of Greek families, and it's just the old people there. The real
issues in that particular district are sort of underlying the need for clean
water, whatever, is that you've got this very skewed demography there, and we
have to try to build up a sustainable social service network that will
compensate for some of the things not provided by the government because the
government has no tax base so it's not going to get you very far to bang on the
government about providing pensions.
The pension anyway is worth about six dollars a month, so it's a meaningless
thing. It almost costs you more to go and collect it than you can buy it. That's
an addition. The main trust of all of our work, and this and the other large
program we do in Georgia, is that it's an expression of prioritization by the
communities of what they're interested in. Some communities want to do what they
call cultural centers, which is more like your community center, might be sports
or whatever. In many ways it's replaced the church. In America, we have shopping
malls, but you don't have shopping malls in these villages so you have a
cultural center instead and that's where the weddings happens, they practice
judo, whatever else they do.
In another village, they wanted to put a big fence around their graveyard,
and that was thing they wanted to do. To be honest I couldn't see it fitting
into our ideas about the most vulnerable, because by the time you're dead you're
past vulnerable, but anyway, that's what they wanted to do. So we said, 'OK if
that's your priority.' I think in the end the process through which we try and
understand what people's priorities are is sort of sufficiently rigorous that we
are confident that it hasn't been hijacked by a special interest group, so this
represents the genuine consensus of what they want to do, and what they think
they have some resources to contribute to achieving. So we say 'OK, we'll go
ahead and start.' We have no real technical agenda as such.
Q: The beneficiaries are primarily along the corridor of the pipeline,
because they are the ones most affected, and to whom BP feels most responsible.
What about communities that are just outside the range of the effect of BP?
Surely they must be resentful, or try to get a piece of their own. How do you
deal with people who want to spoil the projects you are doing from
the outside? Has that happened? Have people from another town said 'What about
us?'
A: It is an issue. I mean the defined line is 2 kilometers either side of the
pipeline.
Q: Not very big.
A: No, it's not. What we've done is firstly, some of the things
we've put in our project design allows us to spread out beyond that. We've
talked about supporting some schools that are not exactly in the four
kilometer-wide corridor, and also doing some things that are directly for those
communities that are outside the corridor. The other thing that we're doing is
we're, along with others, pressuring BP that this pipeline it's an asset of
Georgia, not an asset of these communities. It could have gone somewhere else,
and then another set of communities. Ultimately, it's about their investment in
Georgia as a whole.
So we've been pressuring them that they have to over the longer term look at
more significant investments in the whole of Georgia. Yes, it's legitimate
spending three years doing a community investment program along the pipeline,
because it's going to be three years of digging, building, and scraping. That's
very legitimate. Pipeline construction is very noisy and dusty, and they
certainly deserve some temporary compensation. That's fair enough.
Beyond that, once the pipeline is operational, then they should be doing
things that are taking the whole of Georgia as their entry point. They are, to
be fair to them, I hate to be fair to BP. For an oil company, they are generally
way out in front in terms of this sort of thing. They are looking at a 10-,
15-year investment program, they haven't decided on what sectors, but for the
whole of Georgia, that's not about this pipeline. That's progress, because 10,
15 years ago they probably wouldn't have considered that, and there wouldn't
have been the pressure for them to do that.
Q: But do you get episodes when people from other towns come in and say what
about us? What'll you do for us? Do they sabotage the projects that are going on
already? By infusing all that capital into those peripheral villages that around
the pipeline do you shake up the social structure and cause more conflict?
A: What actually happens still is some people in the communities are still
against the pipeline and it's a tactic on their part to get more
money for their village. And I'm sorry to say that in some cases BP has sort of
acquiesced to that, which actually makes work a lot harder. We've come in very
clearly making very open what we've got, what resources we have, how we're
dividing it up.
Part of it is in wide bands, per head population formula for the raw number
of what resources can be worked with for a community. Then when you get a
squeaky community or a small group in the community still saying we're going to
lie down in front of the tractors, which they do. We're frustrated a little bit
that we think in the end we can address those issues, basically because they are
a minority in the village and people do know and they know that we're being very
fair with them, they're getting a fair amount of development resources in their
village that in some ways there's not a great strength to the argument they are
making. And if there are particular individual concerns then they can probably
get them better addressed through other means and, this is sort of knee jerk,
throwing yourself in front of the digger is probably not going to address your
concern.
In one case, there are some houses that are very, very near where the
physical building is going to take place. Well, the answer that we propose is
going to be OK, you give a winterization drum, which basically means you double
glaze their homes. Because yesterday we would have had a lot of noise. Because
these things are the size of a house so to speak, and that's the decision. That
particular row of houses, they are like 50 meters from where it'll be digging.
There are ways to get around that. It's an issue of time. We can't solve it
immediately.
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